Fenian Graves

Remembering and Honoring our Patriot Dead

 

Jerry O'Sullivan (1845 - 1922)

 Jerry O'Sullivan provides an illustrative prologue to this book. The actions of this South Kerry Fenian in 1867 had unintended and horrific consequences. However, they also changed the course of Anglo-Irish relations and caused the British government to attempt for the first time to find a political solution to 'The Irish Problem'.

For decades afterwards, often to curry popular support at political rallies, Irish constitutional politicians would refer to the Clerkenwell explosion and how it changed the attitudes of many in the British Establishment in carefully chosen words. When politicians of the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) addressed gatherings of their electorate, their words of disapproval were so faint that they seemed almost designed to be interpreted as support. For example, on 22 October 1893 the then leader of the pro-IPP Irish National League, John Redmond, addressed a large crowd in Cork's Corn Exchange. He was speaking at a rally to support the granting of amnesty to Irish Republican prisoners held in British prisons as a result of the Dynamite Campaign of the 1880s, a series of bombings mainly in London that had been directed from America by the Fenian Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa. Redmond told the large crowd that:

Mr. Gladstone stated it was only in 1869-70 that the English Parliament commenced even to consider the demands of Ireland for justice, and he reminded them of his [Gladstone's] words when he said that what convinced him of the reality of the Irish Question was the intensity of Fenianism, and what passed the Land Act of 1870 was the chapel bell that rung [sic] in Clerkenwell. (Cheers) It was easy to denounce the methods of these men. He [Redmond] had never approved of the methods of those who had used any explosives in their effort to get justice for Ireland ... But, after all, they knew what the motives of these men were, and they had the testimony of Mr Gladstone himself that it was through the effect of action of this kind that he and the English people had their ears opened to the demands of the Irish Nationalists.1

Those funeral bells that tolled in Clerkenwell in 1867 may have been an unintended consequence of the actions of Jeremiah O'Sullivan of Caherdaniel, but their ringing ensured that this district near central London would forever be enshrined in British political and judicial history. The 'Irish War' had come to London's streets.

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O'Sullivan was born in the parish of Caherdaniel in south-west Kerry in 1845. His father was a national schoolteacher, who had come from Valentia Island to teach in a school opened by Daniel O'Connell, The Liberator, on his estate at Caherdaniel for the children of his tenants. Jerry O'Sullivan, as he was known, received a good education and at the age of sixteen travelled to London for employment, probably in the civil service.  His father may have been dead at this stage as his mother lived with him in London. It was in his adopted city that O'Sullivan joined the IRB, and by 1867 he was the head of the Fenian circle in the High Holborn and Clerkenwell districts.

 In February 1867, the Fenians from Cahersiveen briefly rose in rebellion and the following month there were other small but unsuccessful risings in several areas of Ireland. However, any hope of a coordinated, successful rebellion had gone by the time the executive of the IRB gathered in Manchester in September of that year to consider the organisation's future actions. The presence of an informer, John Joseph Corydon, who was brought to the city by the police, resulted in the arrest of Thomas Kelly, the leader of the IRB, and his deputy Timothy Deasy.

Under the command of Ricard O'Sullivan Burke, an American Civil War veteran, and the senior procurement officer for the Fenians, a plan was implemented to have Kelly and Deasy rescued as they travelled to court from prison. While Kelly and Deasy were freed when the prison van was attacked, a policeman, Sergeant Charles Brett, was shot dead. Three of the rescue party - William Allen, Michael Larkin, and Michael O'Brien - were arrested, convicted, and subsequently executed for his killing, becoming known as the Manchester Martyrs.

Burke returned to Birmingham, where he was living at the time, and sought to buy a consignment of weapons, but his actions aroused the authorities' suspicions. On 20 November 1867 he and another Fenian, Colonel Joseph Theobald Casey, were arrested in London and consigned to Clerkenwell Prison to await trial in connection with the attempted purchase of weapons. The importance of both men to the organisation was such that the local IRB im-mediately began to plan their escape.

Jerry O'Sullivan's High Holborn district of London would be the area through which the two prisoners would be brought when going to their preliminary hearing in Bow Street Police Station and later to their trial at Newgate. His circle met to discuss possible action but were divided on how to proceed. The meeting was adjourned and resumed the following night, but while some agreed with O'Sullivan's proposal to rescue the men, others disagreed. A third meeting was arranged and at this O'Sullivan secured the assistance of seven men to hold up the police van carrying the two Fenian prisoners as they went to court through the crowded streets of London. On further consideration this plan was judged foolhardy and dangerous, so it was then decided to spring the prisoners from Clerkenwell Gaol. The prison was of typical Victorian design and was surrounded by a twenty-foot-high wall.

O'Sullivan was fortunate to have within his confidence Anne Justice, a tailor's wife who was sympathetic to the Fenian cause. She brought Burke and Casey their dinner each day in prison, as was often the practice at the time. This allowed her to converse with Burke. He had gained considerable experience of explosives while serving in the Union Army during the American Civil War and later worked as an engineer. Burke calculated for Justice the amount of gunpowder required to blow a hole in the prison's wall. O'Sullivan subsequently purchased 548lbs of gunpowder with money collected from sympathisers, including a local parish priest, who contributed on the basis that the prisoners had every right to be set free but on condition that no damage be done to the neighbourhood of the prison. The explosives were packed in a barrel used for kerosene and a fuse was attached. Deferring to Colonel Burke's knowledge of explosives, Jerry O'Sullivan followed the orders passed to him, though he considered the amount of gunpowder 'to be excessive and dangerous'. Later he recorded that while 'they detested the English Tory government then in power, that was no reason why we should entertain any ill will to the masses of the English people.'5

 At certain times of the day, the prisoners in Clerkenwell Gaol were permitted to exercise in a yard close to the prison wall. The throwing of a rubber ball over the wall was to be the signal that the explosive was about to be detonated and, in the chaos caused by the explosion, Burke and Casey were to escape through the hole blown in the wall. On the appointed day, the ball was thrown but the fuse failed to detonate the explosive and so the attempted rescue was abandoned. However, one of the conspirators, a former soldier, went to the police and informed them of the plot. Consequently, Scotland Yard sent a number of armed detectives to the precincts of the prison to thwart any further escape attempt. The prison authorities also took the precaution of not permitting Burke and Casey to go to the exercise yard.

Remarkably, on 13 December 1867 the detectives assigned to the vicinity of Clerkenwell Prison failed to notice a handcart, covered in a black, old-fashioned tablecloth, and containing the barrel of explosives, being wheeled up to the wall. Jerry O'Sullivan lit the fuse and quickly left. The powerful explosion succeeded in blowing down a 120-foot section of the wall, but the force of the blast also caused tenements on the street to collapse. This resulted in the deaths of twelve people, with many more being injured. With the prisoners still locked in their cells, the escape attempt was a failure, while outside the detectives converged on a scene of devastation as the smoke cleared.

As O'Sullivan fled the scene, heading southwards towards Blackfriars Bridge armed with two American revolvers and wearing a heavy coat, he was aided by the short, extremely foggy December evening. Chasing him were six detectives carrying pistols, one of whom opened fire, wounding O'Sullivan on the right elbow. He ran for several miles and managed to cross Blackfriars Bridge with the police still following and shouting 'Stop, thief' A man on a dray heeded their call and grabbed O'Sullivan by the left arm. With the pistol in his right hand, he hit the man on the side of the head, knocking him unconscious. The chasing police were now very close, but O'Sullivan again outpaced them. On reaching the Surrey Canal, he made a determined effort and jumped across it, leaving his pursuers behind as he merged into the crowds and Victorian London's notorious fog. He made his way to a friend's house while the policemen were being pulled from the canal by local bargemen. O'Sullivan spent several weeks in hiding in London and then, despite a massive manhunt for him, boarded a ship for France and made his way to Paris, which had a sizeable sympathetic emigre population from Ireland. With the attempt to free him from prison having failed, Ricard O'Sullivan Burke was tried and convicted of procuring arms on 30 April 1868. He was sentenced to fifteen years' imprisonment but, feigning insanity, was released in 1871 and continued his eventful life in America.  Joseph Casey, the other Clerkenwell prisoner, was not convicted and lived the remainder of his life in Paris as a newspaper typesetter. He was a friend of James Joyce in later life and was the model for the character of Kevin Egan in Ulysses. He died in 1907.

Some of Jerry O'Sullivan's co-conspirators were tried for their part in the explosion. Only one man, Michael Barrett of Fermanagh, was convicted, though it appeared he was not actually in London on the day of the explosion. The trial was controversial and, in Westminster, John Bright, MP, called for a retrial. Other MPs also had doubts about the verdict. They pointed to the inconsistencies in the prosecution witnesses' evidence and the fact that the chief crown witness, Patrick Mullany, an Irish tailor arrested after the explosion, had been given £100 and a passage to Australia for agreeing to sign a statement declaring that Barrett was responsible for the explosion. Gladstone's government agreed to examine the case further and postponed the execution. However, the pressure for an immediate execution, exerted by Queen Victoria and Conservative MPs, prevailed and Barrett was hanged.  On 26 May 1868 he became the last man to be publicly executed in Britain.

From Paris, Jerry O'Sullivan crossed the Atlantic to New York. On arrival, he again became active in Irish Republican activities. He joined Clan na Gael, the Irish Republican organisation based in the USA, and was a supporter of the 'New Departure', in which the physical-force movement of Clan na Gael sought common ground with the constitutional nationalists of the IPP, led by Charles Stewart Parnell. With the death of Parnell in 1891, however, he lost faith in constitutional nationalist politics.  But he did remain a supporter of Clan na Gael and became a member of The Friends of Irish Freedom when it was founded in America in March 1916 to support the Republican cause in Ireland.  His grand-niece, Kathleen O'Connell, who lived in Chicago, was also associated with Clan na Gael and acted as a courier for its leader John Devoy. When de Valera toured the United States in 1919, she became his private secretary, a position she held until her death in 1956.

Jerry O'Sullivan was no 'wide-eyed extremist'; he was well-read and enthusiastic about the Irish language.  He regretted the loss of innocent lives in the Clerkenwell explosion and placed the blame on Burke. He later wrote:

The quantity of powder he [Burke] ordered us to use, I considered excessive and dangerous to the adjoining houses. We carried out his orders too faithfully by putting 548 pounds of refined powder into a common kerosene barrel and sent 120 feet of the wall with the angle of the prison sky high. But Oh, horror, eight [sic] people lost their lives in the adjoining district and 120 [sic] were maimed for life. Such was the result of an order issued by a man who acted in the capacity of captain of military engineers for four years in the American Civil War and who should have a better knowledge of the capacity of explosives. There was no person concerned in the affair who was not horror-stricken by the unfortunate occurrence. For O'Sullivan, his actions at Clerkenwell changed his world forever, forced him into a life of exile and today he is all but forgotten. Until his death, he bore the burden of regret for the loss of innocent lives that he caused, though he remained true to his cause. Many others in the subsequent decades would go on to face similar burdens and mental torment -all arising from their contribution to Ireland's fight for freedom.

Jeremiah O'Sullivan never returned to Ireland and died in New York on 6 November 1922 at the age of seventy-seven, six months after Ricard O'Sullivan Burke died in Chicago.

 

Reprinted by kind permission of the author, Tim Horgan

 

Note:

According to John Devoy in his 'Recollections of an Irish Rebel' page 250  --- Jeremiah O'Sullivan who "died on Monday, 6, 1922 was interred in Calvary Cemetery". Calvary Cemetery is located in Flushing, Queens, New York.


Jerry O'Sullivan's biography is one 22 biographies included in Tim Horgan's book "FIGHTING FOR THE CAUSE' Kerry's Republican Fighters.

To purchase a copy of the book click on the link below.

Fighting for the Cause | Kerry's Republican Fighters | Dr Tim Horgan (mercierpress.ie

 

 

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 Posted:  6/6/ 2021.

email: tcoisdealba@hotmail.com